The True Story Owan Glyndower By Wirt Sikes
The irregular and wild Welshman who
figures as a character in Shakespeare's play of "King Henry IV", under
the name of Owen Glendower is known to most Americans, and I may say most
Englishmen too, only to the extent afforded by that stage-character. This
notwithstanding the fact that Englishmen live next door to Wales, while great
numbers of Americans are either of Welsh birth or Welsh descent. The English
historians do not give him much room in their tale. Those people whose knowledge
of him is not taken from Shakespeare generally have an ill-formed notion that he
was a sort of brigand, a half-savage, half-starved, half-naked Welshman, with
long hair and the rude manner of a backwoodsman - a mediaeval Buffalo Bill
crossed on a Carolina freebooter - who burned, slew, and took anything he could
lay his hands on, aided by a buccaneering rabble of jail-birds like unto
himself. Those who are better informed may look with incredulity on this
statement; but I do not make it idly, and I affirm that it is not exaggerated. I
have talked of this Welsh hero with numbers of Americans and Englishmen, and I
have invariably found that their ideas concerning him (if any) belonged to one
of three classes:
1. He was a dreamer, a boaster, a
believer in sorcery and enchantment, and a professed worker in the supernatural.
This is the idea of him derivable from Shakespeare.
2. He was a robber who dwelt in
mountain-caves, and earned his daily-bread by plunder. This idea is that most
prevalent where ignorance is densest.
3. He was a rebel who made a great deal
of trouble for the English king Henry IV, and was well punished in the end by a
miserable old age of poverty, suffering, privation, and loneliness. This is an
ultra-partisan English idea, not very common in these days.1
1
It was prevalent in Elizabeth's days. In the last part of the "Mirror for
Magistrates", imprinted in London by Thomas Marshe, A.D. 1574, there is a
doleful poem in the form of a soliloquy by Glendower, the tenor of which is
quite sufficiently illustrated by the title: "How Owen Glendower seduced by
false prophecyes toke upon him to be Prince of Wales & was by Henry Prince
of England chased to the mountaynes where he miserablye died for lacke of foode.
Anno D 1401."
No person who has not studied Welsh
history from the Welsh standpoint is likely to have a just idea of this man. I
purpose to tell his story as it should be told as the story of a hero, a man of
rare learning in his time, of polished intellect, the friend of Dante, the
patron of refinement and culture, a man of vast wealth, of royal blood (if there
is such a thing), and the representative of a resistance to tyranny hardly less
admirable than that of our Revolutionary forefathers.
Great Britain has no people more loyal to
the queen at this day than the inhabitants of the western counties, which
combined are called Wales. Yet for unnumbered centuries these were a distinct
people, whom Romans, Saxons, and Normans, alike failed to subdue; and, until
Henry VII came, a Welshman usually hated an Englishman worse than he did a
Frenchman. That old spirit is pretty near dead now, and it would trouble you to
tell at first sight the difference between a Welshman of the better class and an
Englishman of the same class. There are several marked differences, but they are
not on the surface. Both men are strong in the opinion, however, that Victoria
is the noblest of womankind, and both claim her as their own. The Welsh call
your attention to the fact that the queen is a Tudor as well as a Stuart, which
is quite true; and that the Tudors were Welshmen, which is also undeniable. The
Tudors were Welsh princes in Wales ages before Henry VII's grandfather married
Queen Catherine and introduced the race into England. There was a Tudor king in
Morganwg in the sixth century who was the terror of the pagan Saxons who came in
after King Arthur fell. Henry VII marched through Wales to his throne over the
dead body of Richard III, who was slain by a Welshman, Sir Rhys ap Thomas, so
Welsh chroniclers claim. Since then Wales and England have gradually become one,
although the Welsh retain their language - the only language on earth, they
proudly say, which has endured through forty centuries with a literature all its
own - and they disagree with the English on innumerable points relating to the
history of the past. Books and newspapers are still printed in Welsh; and, in
relating the story of Owen Glendower from the Welsh standpoint, I shall not
worry the reader unnecessarily with boxing the chronological compass, but accept
the dates which Welsh writers have for generations agreed upon.
Owen Glendower was born in 1349, the son
of parents who traced lineage straight to the loins of Welsh royalty. His father
was from those lords of Powys who were conspicuous in Norman times, his mother
from Llewellyn the Great, last native prince of Wales. According to the
traditions of that superstitious age, the night this child was born his father's
horses were found standing in blood up to their bellies. How the blood got
there, there is no effort to explain; nor what was done about it, if anything.
The circumstance is related as prefiguring the sanguinary career of the infant,
and not as a matter to be dealt with in a practical manner. There were other
extraordinary phenomena of a like description, according to the old wives; a
storm, with terrific thunder and lightning, and frightful bellowings of cattle.
Shakespeare took up these tales, and made Glendower boast of them to Hotspur in
the play. And it is this which has postured Glendower for all time as a
superstitious braggart, while Hotspur, on the other hand, appears as a cynical
doubter worthy of these days of Huxley and Darwin. Probably Shakespeare never
did anything more unfair. It is to be presumed that Glendower was quite as
cultivated, enlightened, educated, unregistered, as any other warrior of his
period. There is nothing in history to show that he was governed by superstition
one whit beyond the habit of his time, or that Percy was governed by it one whit
less. "At my nativity," says the bombastic Glendower that Shakespeare
drew -
"The front of heaven was full of
fiery shapes,
Of burning cressets; and at my birth
The frame and huge foundations of the earth
Shaked like a coward."
To which Hotspur responds that so it
would if his mother's cat had but kittened Glendower grows hot on the subject:
"Give me leave
To tell you once again,"
he says, and repeats his rodomontade word
for word, adding that -
"The goats ran from the mountains,
and the herds
Were strangely clamorous to the frighted fields."
To this, and to all he says, the Huxleyan
Hotspur replies with shrugs and saucy repartee. At the end of one of his widest
speeches, the Englishman irreverently sneers -
"I think there's no man speaks
better Welsh;"
and Mortimer feels called upon to warn
Hotspur that if he does not hold his peace he will make Glendower mad.
"I can call spirits from the vasty
deep," this absurd ass of a Glendower goes solidly on. "So can
I," puts in Hotspur; "but but will they come when you call them?
"
"Why, I can teach thee, cousin, to
command the devil."
"And I," retorts Hotspur,
"can teach thee to shame the devil - by telling truth. Tell truth, and
shame the devil."
If the real Glendower had not laid the
insolent Hotspur flat, at such words as these, there is no truth in history. But
Shakespeare lets the Englishman flout and jeer his fierce companion - his elder,
too, it is worth remembering - again and again in this wise. The Welshman goes
on bragging and crowing:
"Three times hath Henry Bolingbroke
made head
Against my power: thrice from the banks of Wye
And sandy-bottomed Severn have I sent him
Bootless home and weather-beaten back."
"Home without boots?" sneers
Hotspur; "and in foul weather, too? How the devil does he 'scape the
ague?"
Presently they get to quarreling outright
- not like warriors, but like schoolboys: "You shall." "I
shan't." "You won't." "No, nor you neither."
"Who'll hinder me, I'd like to know?" But here is the passage:
"Glend. I will not have it altered.
"Hot. Will not you?
"Glend. No, nor you shall not.
"Hot. Who shall me nay?
"Glend. Why, that will I.
"Hot. Let me not understand you then; Speak in Welsh."
And after Glendower goes out, Hotspur
falls to abusing him behind his back "like a pickpocket:"
"He angers me
With telling me of the mouldwarp and the ant,
Of the dreamer Merlin, and his prophecies;
And of a dragon and finless fish,
A clip-winged griffin, and a moulten raven,
A couching lion, and a ramping cat,
And such a deal of skimble-skamble stuff
As puts me from my faith. I tell you what, -
He held me, last night, at least nine hours,
In reckoning up the several devil's names
That were his lackeys.
"Oh, he's as tedious
As is a tired horse, a railing wife;
Worse than a smoky house: I had rather live
With cheese and garlic in a windmill, far,
Than feed on cates, and have him talk to me."
I wonder the Welsh scholars have never
rebelled at this brummagen Glendower of Shakespeare's - drawn, not in ignorance,
but with intention, I think, to make his audience laugh at the Welshman. I am
trembling all this time, I frankly confess, at the bare idea that I am
criticising the divine William; but my audacity is not greater, I stoutly
maintain, than that of Hotspur. Glendower was not the man to be Hotspur's or any
man's butt and jeer, and Shakespeare knew it. Although he lets the Welshman talk
like a braggart and a fool, he puts in Mortimer's mouth such fair and true words
as show how well the poet knew Glendower's real character:
"Mort. In faith, he is a worthy
gentleman;
Exceedingly well read, and profited
In strange concealments; valiant as a lion,
And wondrous affable; and as bountiful
As mines of India . . .
"I warrant you that man is not alive
Might so have tempted him as you have done,
Without the taste of danger."
The place of Owen's birth is not exactly
known; three counties contend for the honor. He took his name from his estate of
Glyndyvrdwy, after a Welsh fashion which still prevails. His name in Welsh was
Owain ap Gruffydd ap Vychan, which is simply Owen son of Griffith son of
Vaughan. To this day Welsh people often distinguish among their innumerable
Owens, Griffiths, Davids, Howells, Williams, by adding to their names the names
of their abodes even though the abode be nothing more than a stone cottage on a
moor. Every Welsh cottage, in town or country, has a name of its own; nay every
field, every ditch has. The estates of Owen Glendower's parents may not have
been extensive, but they were evidently not mean, for the boy was given a good
education, and was sent up to London to read law. He studied in one of the Inns
of Court, and was admitted to the bar, but there is no evidence that he
practised. He married a daughter of one of the justices of the king's bench, and
might have been a judge, perhaps, if he had kept to the law. But the fashion of
the time, and his tastes, led him to put aside the coif for the helmet, and turn
courtier in the train of the Earl of Arundel. For his valor, or his genial
parts, he became a favorite with Richard II, and was made that unhappy monarch's
shield-bearer. He was with Richard in many battles, in France, in Ireland, and
in the Wars of the Roses. The king knighted him, and he was called Sir Owen de
Glendore.
In 1399 Richard II was deposed, Henry
Bolingbroke usurped the English throne, and Owen Glendower went into retirement
in Wales. He now became noted for a magnificent and lavish hospitality. His
place, called Sycharth, was in the vale of the Dee, where he had some forty
miles square of Vendotia's most picturesque and fertile soil. Here he literally
kept open house, there being neither locks nor bolts on his doors; everybody was
free to go and come; there was not even a gatekeeper. The residence was a palace
and castle in one, with a tower-guarded gateway, and battlemented walls
surrounded by a moat. Within were nine halls of entertainment, each supplied
with a wardrobe of garments for the use of the retainers, and these wardrobes
were as free as the larder to the guest - he could clothe himself as well as
feed and rest; he could stay a month if he liked, or he could go on his way the
next morning, with nothing to pay but thanks. There was a church on the place,
together with several small chapels. Close by were a park stocked with deer, a
rabbit-warren, a pond alive with fish, a heronry, a vineyard, an orchard, and a
mill. Wine, ale, and mead flowed like water at the generous board; and the life
of the cook, by the law of hospitality, was estimated at the worth of a hundred
and twenty common men. Glendower was especially fond of gathering the bards
about him in those days, and gave himself up with great gusto to the cultivation
of his native minstrelsy. He was now aged about fifty, and there was a king on
the throne from whom he had no favors to hope; he was abundantly blessed with
the world's goods' and no doubt began to feel that, after all, there was no
place like home. There was always guests enough to make merry, and to listen to
the minstrel's lays; his wife, companion of his long career, was still dearer
than life to him, and about his hearth-stones were gathered five graceful
daughters and several sons - a "beautiful nest of chieftains", as one
of the bards sang. This bard, Iolo Goch, was a special favorite with Glendower,
and has left on record a number of poems which tell the story of those peaceful
and happy days. Here is a specimen of his verse, relating to the Lady Margaret
Glendower:
"His wife the best of wives!
Happy am I in her wine and mead.
Eminent dame of knightly lineage,
Honorable, beneficent, noble!
Her children came in pairs,
A beautiful nest of chieftains."
I give the Welsh version:
"A gwraig areu o'r gwragedd!
Gwyn fy rayd o'i gwin a'i medd.
Merch eglur, llin marchawglyw,
Urddol, hael, o reiol ryw,
A'i blant a ddeuant bob yn ddau,
Nythod teg o bennaethau!"
There is nothing to show that Owen had
any purpose of leading other than this somewhat sylvan life henceforth, in his
grove-embowered castle-home, surrounded by his bards, his guests, and his girls
and boys. But among his neighbors was one Lord Grey de Ruthin, with whom Owen
had an old dispute about a tract of land which lay between the two men's
domains. Both laid claim to this land, and under the late king it had been
lawfully ceded to Owen. But now, Grey being a favorite at court, and Owen none,
Grey seized the land again. All authorities agree that Owen set about the
recovery of this property peaceably. He brought suit in due legal form, and even
went so far as to petition the English Parliament for redress. The Bishop of St.
Asaph took occasion to advise the Parliament to use temperate measures in
dealing with Owen, but the haughty Englishmen scornfully declared they had no
fear of Owen and his barelegged scrubs. The suit was contemptuously dismissed.
This Lord Grey seems to have been a good
set rogue, and bent on making all the mischief possible. Soon after Owen got the
above-mentioned snub from Henry's Parliament, the king, in preparing an
expedition into Scotland, sent writs summoning his various feudal barons and
tenants to accompany him with their vassals. The writ addressed to Owen
Glendower was intrusted to Lord Grey for delivery. The rascal maliciously kept
it back till too late for Owen to obey the royal mandate. The Welsh chroniclers
have no scruples in asserting that the king and Lord Grey de Ruthin managed this
trap in collusion. Anyhow the king forthwith had Owen proclaimed a traitor, and
aided and abetted Lord Grey in invading Owen's possessions, with full leave to
appropriate all he could seize of them. At this Owen turned in fury on his
ruthless persecutor. He made war on Lord Grey, retook the disputed land, and a
good bit of his enemy's domains besides. The king sent Lord Talbot to assist
Grey in punishing the wild Welshman; and they nearly took him in his bed one
night. Their forces had surrounded his house, but he escaped in the darkness and
got off into the hills. Next day Owen Glendower sent to all his retainers the
signal of war - a full-strung bow. The die was cast; the insurrection had begun.
Lord Grey had builded worse than he had dreamed of in his liveliest moments, and
Henry IV had stirred up a hornet's nest which was destined to sting him
throughout the remnant of his days. On the 20th of September, 1400, Owen
Glendower flung the red dragon of Wales to the breeze, marched on Ruthin, where
a fair was being held, burned the town, and carried off most of the people who
were not killed to his mountain-fastnesses. Then Glendower proclaimed himself
the true Prince of Wales, the heir of its ancient sovereigns, and offered battle
to whosoever would dispute his right.
The son of the sovereign of England was
the recognized Price of Wales then, as Victoria's eldest son is now. But the
feeling among the Welsh people then was very different from the feeling among
that people now. King Henry IV was a usurper, in the first place; Mortimer was
the rightful heir to the English throne. The Welsh people bore the king no love
in any case. Glendower was descended from ancestors who had ruled Wales for
centuries. His name was associated with the days of Welsh independence, and the
spirit of the people was one which looked eagerly towards the hope of renewing
that independence. The English laws pressed heavily and unfairly on the Welsh.
Under their ancient rulers this people had enjoyed an amount of freedom and
justice now denied them. They rallied round their ancestral banner of Wales, the
red dragon, and in a wonderfully brief space of time Glendower had an army. The
people not only avowed their belief in the justice of his cause, but they stood
ready to fight for him.
Now the English Parliament fell into the
stupidity and folly of supposing that it could quell the spirit of this fierce
race by a course of oppression, the most severe that ever disgraced a civilized
government. It enacted laws for Wales which would have ruined the reputation of
a Hottentot administration. To epitomize rapidly and incompletely; all Welshmen
were incapacitated from holding office; in a suit between an Englishman and a
Welshman, the former could only be convicted on terms which made conviction
practically impossible; the Welsh language was proscribed; all Englishmen who
had married Welshwomen were disenfranchised; any further such marriages were
punishable by forfeiture of goods; Welsh meetings were forbidden to be held save
in the presence of English officers; to import writing-materials into Wales was
made a capital offence; Welsh parents were prohibited sending their children to
any school or apprenticing them to any trade. Upon this, amnesty was offered to
all Welshmen who would lay down their arms and eat dirt by a certain day - all,
that is to say, except Owen Glendower and his cousins, Rhys and William Tudor.
If the Welsh had had the souls of mice, they might perhaps have availed
themselves of this offer. They had the souls of free men, and they scorned it.
The whole land was on fire with patriotism. The students in the universities,
the artisans, the very laborers, threw down their books and their tools, and
rallied round their old flag. The Welsh scholars at Oxford and Cambridge left
their studies and departed into Wales. Welshmen who had settled in various parts
of England also secured arms and escaped to their own land. The bards multiplied
their gorseddau, and struck their harps with bolder hands, singing the glories
of battle instead of the amorous ditties of peace. They revived the ancient
Druidic practices of inscribing their songs on revolving bars of wood (peithynen)
in the primitive, vertical characters; and every tree became a book, a letter, a
warning, a summons, or a spirit-stirring call. "Never was the Cymric
language so studied and improved," says the Glamorgan manuscript, "as
when in Glendower's time every oak was, in truth, a tree of knowledge and a
college of teachers."
The English king granted all Glendower's
estates to the Earl of Somerset, his (the king's) own brother, and gathering his
army about him, marched into Wales to fight the Welshman whom he subsequently
dubbed (in Shakespeare) -
" . . . . the great magician, damned
Glendower."
It was a large army, comprising the
feudal levies of ten counties. It marched quite through Wales, with the king at
its head, to the sea-shore on the west; and then it marched back home again.
This appears to have been the amount of the venture, briefly stated. After the
time-honored fashion of the Welsh chieftains - a fashion by which they had so
long thwarted the Norman conquerors in their efforts to subjugate them -
Glendower manoeuvered his forces in forest-depths, in swampy retreats, and on
mountain-crags, where it was folly to assail them. King Henry went back to
England in a towering rage.
Owen, having established himself on the
lofty mountain of Plynlimmon as a base of operations, sallied out from there and
laid waste the surrounding country. It is at this period that we find the
valiant Hotspur (Sir Harry Percy) opposed to the insurgents. Hotspur was
judiciary of the district; there are letters in existence form Hotspur which
show that he was actively engaged against Glendower thus early, or fully two
years before the Shakespearean time of making them acquainted. This fact is
further encouragement to me in presuming to arraign the immortal bard as a
deceiver, and as having set up a false figure of Glendower for Hotspur to jeer
at and for English audiences to laugh at. There was no man alive who better than
Hotspur knew the fierce nature of Owen Glendower, or more respected it and him.
It is these letters of Hotspur, these almost alone, which have told us the story
of what was going on in Wales at this time. Glendower is ravaging
Montgomeryshire and burning and pillaging its towns; he is destroying the strong
castle of Radnor and many other fortresses and cities; he is sacking and laying
low Cwmhir Abbey. His exploits are brilliant, terrifying, and invariably
successful. He drives Hotspur out of the district, and occupies with his
adherents the castles of Conway and Caernarvon. The Flemings in Pembrokeshire
(an Anglo-Belgian colony living in the midst of Wales) form an army and march to
aid Hotspur, vowing they will drive Owen Glendower from his eyrie. They are
fiercer and fuller of hate for the Welsh, are these Flemings, than the English
themselves. They surround the Welsh chieftain on Plynlimmon fifteen hundred
strong; Glendower has one hundred and fifty men. Trapped, encompassed by
overwhelming numbers, Glendower prepares to sell his life at dear cost. He
addresses his men in the voice of stern resolve - tells them that they have no
choice but to die by famine, or to die by Flemish axes in this endeavor to cut
their way through a superior force. They cut their way through, accordingly -
ten men against every man of them! They were one hundred and fifty; they left
two hundred Flemings dead on the field ; and the rest of the fifteen hundred
went back to Pembrokeshire, thankful to get home alive. Glendower remembered
them, two years later, when he traveled that way.
The news of this brilliant exploit, and
of others in which Glendower seemed to be endowed with superhuman valor and
power, ran over the land like wildfire. Glendower's popularity grew as the
flames grow before the wind. The superstitious Welshmen - all peoples were
superstitious in those days - saw in him the chieftain who was to realize the
prophecy of Merlin, that the sovereignty of Britain, after having been in the
possession of the Saxons and the Normans, should ultimately return to the
ancient Britons. It is not improbable that Glendower himself placed some degree
of faith in this prophecy, but there is no reason to believe that he shared in
the vulgar rubbish of the uneducated about the mysterious significance of
incidents and appearances due to natural causes - the voices of the thunder and
the wind, the fright of beasts, the birth of a monstrosity, or the rising of a
flood. I have met Welshmen of education even in this day who speak most
respectfully of Merlin and his sayings, but who are full of contempt for the
table-tipping, slate-writing witchmongery of our own enlightened time. There is
no proof anywhere in history that Glendower was a man of vulgarly superstitious
mind, that he ever once uttered himself in the ridiculous, bombastic phraseology
that Shakespeare puts in his mouth.2
2
Shakespeare may possibly have taken his cue in this matter from the "Mirror
for Magistrates," already alluded to, in which there are many verses like
these.
"and for to set us hereon
more agog
a prophet came (a vengeance take them all)
affirming Henry to be Gogmagog
whom Merlin doth Mouldwarp ever call
accurst of God that must be brought in thrall
by a Wolfe a Dragon & a Lion strong
which should devide his kingdom them among"
On the contrary, there are letters of
Owen's extant which show him to have been a practical, sensible, shrewd, and
wise man, animated by love of his country and his God as well as by personal
ambition - a man who would serve his God, his country, and his own interests, by
a better witchcraft than conjuring, to wit, the magic of the battle-axe and the
wonder-working of an active intellect. A letter to his "very dear and
entirely beloved Henry Don," written in Latin, is preserved, of which the
following is an accurate translation:
"We inform you that we hope, by
God's help and yours, to be enabled to free the Welsh race from the bondage of
our English enemies, who have now for a long time past oppressed us and our
ancestors, And you may, from your own observation, perceive that their time is
ending. and that victory inclines to us, according to God's appointment from the
beginning, so that no one can doubt that a good end will arrive, unless by
indifference and discord it be lost; and that the whole Welsh nation is in
uncertainty and fear concerning the subjection under which we have heard our
forenamed enemies can place us. Accordingly we charge and require and entreat
you, with such preparation as you have made, to come to us with all boldness as
speedily as you can, to the place where you will hear that we are consuming our
enemies by oppressing and attacking them; and this, by Divine assistance, will
be shortly. And this you must not neglect, as you would have freedom and honor
for the time to come. And wonder not that you received no warning of the first
rising; for we were forced to rise without warning, because of the too great
fear and danger.
"Farewell - may God keep you from
harm !
By OWAIN AB GRUFFYDD,
"Lord of Glyndyvrdwy."
This is not skimble-skamble stuff - this
is not the language of a man who would take the lie from Sir Hotspur, or prate
about finless fishes, ramping cats, mouldwarps and ants, in connection with
Merlin's prophecies of nine centuries before.
Whatever the causes, however - and they
were several - there was a mighty thronging to Glendower's standard. He led his
army into South Wales, entered Glamorganshire, and almost made a holocaust of
the castles of that rich county. Cardiff surrendered and was spared; but he laid
low Penllyn, Landoc, Hemingston, Dunraven, Talyvan, Llanblethian, Llanylan,
Malefant, Penmarc, all strong and noble castles, many of which are ivy-covered
ruins to this day, never having been rebuilt. He was repeatedly encountered by
Anglo-Norman forces as he roved about, but victory perched always on his
standard. Once he went before his army reconnoitering along the sea-shore,
accompanied by one friend disguised as a servant, and came to St. Athans (just
before Cardiff), where there was a castle - a ruin now - in which one Sir
Lawrence Berkerolles dwelt. Of him Owen asked a night's entertainment, speaking
the French language, in which he was proficient. It was granted, and Sir
Lawrence, delighted with his guest, pressed him to stay several days.
"I expect to see Owen Glendower this
way soon," said Sir Lawrence, by way of inducement; "the English
troops are scouring the country for him, and I myself have sworn to give a large
reward for his head."
Owen suggested that it would he advisable
to secure him soon," for I hear that he is likely to be crowned ere long if
not taken, " said he.
On leaving the castle the Welshman left a
note behind, which had the extraordinary effect on Sir Lawrence (if the Lleision
manuscripts may he believed) of striking him dumb, so that he never spoke again.
"Owen of the Dee Waters," said
the note, "as a sincere friend, having neither hatred, treachery, nor
deception, in his heart, gives his hand to Sir Lawrence Berkerolles, and thanks
him for the hospitality he and his friend have experienced at his castle; and
desires to assure, him that it will never enter his mind to avenge the
intentions of his host, Sir Lawrence, toward him; nor shall it, so far as he has
the power of prevention, enter the minds of any of his subjects or followers.
King Henry in person led another army,
double the size of the first, into Wales that summer, in a fever of rage and
alarm at the Welsh prince's proceedings. The same success which signalized his
first expedition crowned his second: he marched back home again without ever
having seen his subtle foe, but with his army exhausted by famine and disease;
for it was a part of the Welshman's art of war to drain the country and strip it
of the means of subsisting the king's men before retiring to the mountains.
In 1402 the appearance of a comet was
accepted as a favorable augury by the superstitious among Owen's followers; and
the bards seized skillfully on the circumstance to presage tremendous victories
for their hero. Nor did the events of the year belie the promises made on behalf
of this celestial ally. Victories crowded upon Glendower. That Lord Grey de
Ruthin who was the immediate cause of the first uprising had for a whole year
been making powerful preparations for attacking and overwhelming Glendower. The
Welshman lured him to battle by a pretended show of weakness, met him halfway,
struck the first blow, routed his forces, took him prisoner, and locked him up
in a strong box he had on Snowdon Mountain. Glendower's mode of dealing with his
old enemy was long-headed to the last degree. He gave way in no rages; he coolly
employed his advantage to profit his cause. Knowing Lord Grey to be a special
favorite of the king, he demanded ten thousand golden marks (about thirty-five
thousand dollars) ransom for him - an enormous sum in those days - and got it,
too.3
But, before letting his prisoner go, Owen neutralized his hostility by becoming
his father-in-law. Whether Lord Grey fell in love with Owen's daughter Jane
while in prison, or whether he merely yielded to the arguments of her father on
the subject it is certain he married her as soon as he was released from durance
vile. We hear no more of him after that. He had got enough, probably, to last
him the rest of his days.
3
We can judge of the importance of this sum only when we estimate its purchasing
power, and that may be guessed at when we read that one penny was the normal
price of three pounds of beef in the London markets at an even later period;
that a chicken cost one penny; that the best pig in market could be bought for
fourpence; and that threepence a day was a laborers regular wages.
A treacherous attack on Owen's life,
early in this year, was made harmless in a manner which the superstitious
considered a miraculous evidence of his being watched over by protecting spirit,
but which the reader will credit to the wise forethought of a shrewd and
cautious man. The would-be assassin was Owen's cousin, Howell Sele, Lord of
Nannau. The cousins were walking in Howell's park, whither Owen had been called
on some errand; and Howell, bending his bow at a deer in the distance, suddenly
turned it on his great kinsman's breast, and shot the strong arrow straight to
its deadly aim. But Owen, having long suspected his cousin, had come to the
meeting with a suit of chain-armor under his clothes. Howell was instantly
seized and thrown alive into the trunk of a hollow tree, where he was left to
perish. Some of the writers contend that he was killed first, but I see nothing
incompatible with Glendower's character in the harsher account, he was a stern
man, and his times were cruel to the death. Besides, treachery was ever the one
unpardonable crime among those Welshmen of old. It was long a mystery what had
become of Howell the Traitor's bones. (He was called Howell the Traitor to
separate him distinctly from the long and glorious line of Howells in Welsh
history, among whom was Howell the Good, as bright a figure in British annals,
as Arthur the Brave.) So well did Glendower's men keep their secret that not
until forty years had passed was his skeleton found in the tree where it had
been thrust. The tree was an ancient oak, and it stood four hundred years after
that, an object of veneration and dread among the peasants, who called it the
Hobgoblin's Hollow Tree4
It fell in a storm on the night of July 13, 1813, and was believed (by men
educated in these matters) to have been wellnigh a thousand years old.
4
Scott alludes to this tree in "Marmion:"
To Cambria look - the peasant
see
Bethink him of Glendowerdy
And shun the 'Spirits Blasted Tree.`"
Once more King Henry marched into Wales,
mad for revenge on this diabolical Welshman, who was now again ravaging the
country right and left, burning towns, castles, and even religious edifices,
when inhabitants, lords or ecclesiastics, disputed his sway. On Cardiff and its
neighborhood Owen now especially wreaked his fury, vowing that it was a nest of
traitors. He burned its castle (which was afterward rebuilt), demolished its
monasteries and convents, and threw down the episcopal palace at Llandaff. The
gateway alone now remains of this palace, a ruin of ponderous proportions, with
walls many feet thick, and so solid that there are gardens atop. I marvel, as I
look on the remains of these walls which Glendower threw down, what engines he
used to accomplish a work so herculean. He was before gunpowder in Wales. In the
midst of this career of destruction he got news of what King Henry was about,
and hastened back to his mountains in North Wales. This time the king came with
an enormous army, though what might he deemed the importance of size in an army
which could never catch the foe it is not easy to perceive. But though Henry met
no fighting-men of Owen's, he met - what he and all the superstitious of his day
believed to be - the magic workings of "that devil Glendower" upon the
elements. "Through his art-magicke," says an old English chronicler,
"Glyndore did cause such foul weather of winds, tempests, rain, snow, and
haile, to be raysed for the annoiance of the kinge's armie, that the like had in
no age been heard of." It is perfectly certain that never was a poor,
unhappy monarch so drowned out; never were wretched, bedraggled soldiers so wet
through, soaked, pelted, and sent home with agues in their bones fit to last
them into their graves. The more recent English writers who have touched on this
doleful expedition of Henry's have generally taken a facetious view of it, since
to treat it seriously, as the old writers did, as a visitation of the devil
under Glendower's special instructions, would ill comport with the doubting
spirit of our time. Falstaff hardly over-colored the picture that had been drawn
before him by men of smaller humor. "He of Wales," says Falstaff,
"that gave Amaimon5
the bastinado, and made Lucifer cuckold, and swore the devil his true liegeman
on the cross of a Welsh hook." In the present irreverent century there has
even been made a most comical English ballad at the expense of the king, which
tells how -
"King Henry's hot thirst for
destruction and slaughter
Was quenched by untimely supplies or cold water
And his gallants so gay, and his barons so bold,
They couldn't catch Glendwr, they only caught cold.
The soldiers, with rain-water up to their knees,
Were very uneasy while 'standing at ease,'
And the trumpets grew hoarse and would not sound their notes,
And the fifes seemed all suffering from very sore throats.
The cavalry's brilliant equipments were spoiled,
And the horses all smoked just as if they'd been boiled;
And the Scotch with the captain thereof.
Were extremely annoyed with a very bad cough;
And nothing was seen 'mid the yeomanry bands
But blowing of noses and wringing of hands,
And nothing was heard of the Shropshire militia
Night or day but - attisha! attisha! ATTISHA!"
5
Amaimon was one of the four sulphurous kings who ruled all the demons of earth.
There is every reason to believe that had
Glendower been taken at this time he would not have been allowed to die the
death of a patriot soldier on the scaffold, but would have been burned for a
magician, as Joan of Are was a few years later by the Duke of Bedford.
Shakespeare's play begins at this point
in Glendower's career - i.e., soon after Henry's return from this third
disastrous venture among the wild Welshmen, who starved him, drowned him,
harassed him, but would not fight him. How Henry wronged his nobles and
quarreled with Hotspur is set forth in the play. The contemporary historical
record relates the quarrel with Hotspur in effect thus: Edmund Mortimer, being
now a prisoner of Owen Glendower, his brother-in--law Harry Hotspur besought the
king to permit him to he ransomed from the royal exchequer. "Never with the
royal money will I strengthen my personal enemies," said the king. Harry
Percy said . "Is a man to hazard his life for you and your realm, and will
you not move a foot to help him?" "Thou art a traitor!" cried the
king, in high anger. "What! help mine own and my kingdom's enemy?" To
which Hotspur answered: "I am no traitor, but a true subject, and as such I
speak." The enraged monarch drew his dagger. "Not here, but
elsewhere," said. Hotspur, and withdrew.
This incident gave Glendower powerful
allies. The play relates the story of their proceedings with a general fair
agreement with historical fact, but (as I have tried to show) with particular
and studied misrepresentation of the character of Glendower. The allies agreed
to divide the land between the three parties, Glendower, of course, taking
Wales; and he, being already in possession of his dominions, convened a national
assembly to sanction his assumption of royal authority, and was solemnly crowned
at Machynlleth. Among the Cymric nobles who came to the coronation was one Sir
David Gam, Lord of Brecon, an Anglicized Welshman, who would hardly have
ventured there openly, so well was he known as Owen's enemy, but who came in
disguise. He was accompanied by eight retainers, and his purpose was to
assassinate Glendower then and there. The keen eye of Owen spied him out; he was
a giant, it seems, and moreover he was squint-eyed - two somewhat formidable
barriers to an entirely successful disguise. Owen shut him up in prison
immediately, where he remained, for ten years.
With the battle of Shrewsbury Owen
Glendower had nothing to do. He was leagues away from the scene when it
occurred, knew nothing about it until some days after it was over, and of course
joined in no councils leading to it. He had an army of twelve thousand men, and
was down on the southern sea-coast ravaging Glamorgan, Carmarthen, Cardigan, and
Pembrokeshire, while Percy was marshaling his forces in the north. Eventually
they were to join armies and fight to dethrone Henry IV. Of this scheme the king
was supposed to be ignorant, but he had been informed, and he set out to
intercept Percy and prevent his joining Glendower. Percy might have avoided the
conflict, nevertheless, if he had chosen; but he was ruled by that fiery spirit
which gave him the sobriquet of Hotspur; and Shrewsbury battle was fought. This
rashness changed the channel of history's current with a great sweep. For
Glendower, on his part, was never so strong, never so feared. His coming into
Pembrokeshire threw the Flemings into a frightful panic - those same Flemings
who had been so eager to get at Glendower on Plynlimmon, audaciously fancying
that fifteen hundred men could whip one hundred and fifty. The terrible Welshman
now marked his path through them with bonfires and blood. The Constables of most
of the royal castles tremblingly surrendered them without even showing fight;
and those who did not welcome him with open arms he punished - as if they had
resisted him with battle.
Until recently the received account in
history has been to the effect that Glendower was near Shrewsbury field on the
day of that battle, and was prevented from joining in the fight by a flood which
crossed his path. They have even shown, for some centuries past, a tree in which
Glendower was said to have perched himself and watched the battle across the
flood. All this is now proved to be fiction. There is a letter from the
Archdeacon of Hereford to King Henry, begging the king to come into Wales and
crush Glendower, and it is dated Sunday, July 8th. It is written in French, but
at the end bursts frantically into an English postscript, thus:
"P. S. - And for God's love, my
liege lord, think on yourself and your estate; or by my troth all is lost else,
but an ye come yourself all other will follow after. On Friday last Caermarthen
town was taken and burnt, and the castle yielden by Ro. Wydmor; and the Castle
Emlyn is yielden; and slain of the town of Caermarthen more than fifty
persons."
Sunday falls on the 8th of July only in
the year 1403 of that decade, and thus the letter becomes testimony from the
English side corroborative of those Welsh writers who show that Owen Glendower
was otherwise occupied about that time, and was not concerning himself with the
battle of Shrewsbury.
In the next year an alliance offensive
and defensive was formed between Owen and Charles V1. of France. But there was
no attempt on the part of the English to make war on Glendower. He was left in
undisputed possession of the whole of Wales, and amused himself part of the time
in entertaining the bards after his old fashion, part of the time in attacking
such castles in his domain as were not to his liking. The Italian poet Dante
formed one of Glendower's guests at Sycharth this year. There is Cymric mention
of a translation of Petrarch's poems, the work of Owen Glendower, which still
further presses on our attention the fact that he was a man of rare attainments
learned in at least five languages - English, Welsh, French, Italian, and Latin.6
For his other favorite diversion. Glendower seems to have been almost as
thoroughgoing an old castle-hater as Cromwell himself. He had every castle in
Wales in his hands at one time or another during his career, and he never
garrisoned one of them, but sent them tumbling. All over Wales today you find
the ivy-hung ruins of Saxon and Norman fortresses, and if you inquire who
shattered these venerable walls, you will find it was either Owen Glendower or
Oliver Cromwell. There are scores of these ruins scattered throughout Wales, and
nothing on the Rhine is more picturesque. As places of residence, Glendower
sometimes found the Norman castles useful, but as military strongholds he
scorned them. "Put you your trust in castles?" he contemptuously asked
of the frightened friars who had hid their library in Cardiff Castle; "your
churches would be safer."
6
To give further emphasis to this fact, I quote here from Froude: "As late
as the reign of Edward VI. (1547 to 1553) there were peers of Parliament unable
to read."
The year 1405 was a momentous one for
Glendower. At its opening he was apparently at the zenith of his power. He took
two of the most powerful castles in Wales, or in the world, Aberystwith and
Harlech, which had long defied him. One of these, Harlech, was considered an
impregnable fortress, from its strength and from its position, perched on a
rocky summit at a dizzy height, over-looking a magnificent sweep of land and
sea. The ruins still stand, picturesque and striking in the extreme, where, for
a thousand years before Glendower, walls of strength had frowned defiance to
every foe.7
Glendower had even the boldness, so confident of his strength had he grown, to
plan the rescue from Windsor Castle of the young Mortimers.
7
Harlech was anciently a fortress of the Britons in King Arthur's century, and
was called Twr Bronwen (Bronwen's Tower).
King Henry kept these boys imprisoned at
Windsor, knowing too well the use that could be made of the elder boy's right to
the throne of England. Glendower's scheme was to give these boys an asylum at
Sycharth till the elder should come of age. Meantime Owen was to be regent and
protector of the kingdom. This bold and ambitious enterprise nearly succeeded.
The Lady Constance de Spenser, keeper of Caerphilly Castle, had actually got off
with the boys on her way to Glendower, when she was overtaken by the king and
brought back. This was the first of a series of failures and disasters which, in
connection with the preceding and succeeding events, marked the year as one of
vicissitudes the most romantic and extraordinary. The king's son, Harry of
Monmouth (afterward Henry V.), went forth with a grand army against Glendower.
The boy had profited by the lessons his father had learned about the way to
fight Welshmen, and the Welshmen, on their part, had grown less shrewd and
cautious than before. At Grosmont the boy (he was but seventeen) encountered
Glendower and slew a thousand Welsh. Four days later, at Usk, fifteen hundred
Welsh were slain; Owen's son Griffith was taken prisoner; his brother Tudor was
killed; he himself was forced to fly. The reverses had a deplorable effect on
Owen's cause, and, being followed up by the English with skill and energy, the
effect was disastrous in the extreme. The English forces poured into the
principality like a flood. It. was skillfully rumored, too, that Owen was dead -
that he had fallen at Usk - the basis for this roorbach being that Tudor, the
slain brother, closely resembled Owen in personal appearance; they were
distinguishable, in case of death, by means of a wart which Owen had over one
eye. And Owen had disappeared. For a time he was reduced to the most painful.
extremities - forced to hide like Alfred in rocky caves in secret regions known
only to a faithful few who cautiously supplied him with food. That from such a
condition of despair as this Glendower should rise to power again within, a few
weeks seems hardly credible; but this is not one of the facts in his career
which have been disputed. A French army of twelve thousand landed at Tenby on
the south coast; and Glendower came out of hiding and marched to meet the
Frenchmen, with an army of ten thousand men at his back! The allies marched
through Wales into England, where they burned and ravaged the city of Worcester;
and were met by Glendower's old enemy, King Henry IV. And there the two armies
stood glaring on each other for eight days, when one or the other retreated.
Here come in the French chroniclers to still further muddle the story, and to
this day there is no certainty who first showed the white feather. One thing is
clear enough: all parties went home. No serious fighting had been done.
Glendower returned into Wales, the French returned to France, the king returned
to London.
For years after this the peace remained
comparatively unbroken. Owen reigned in Wales after a fashion; but the young
prince, who later became Henry V., was busy with the labor of undermining
Glendower's popularity and substituting his own. He was himself a Welshman by
birth, it should be remembered (he was born at Monmouth), and he made friends
with the people by coming among them, establishing his headquarters in Wales,
and encouraging the belief that, on becoming king, he would not despise and
oppress Welshmen. Glendower stoutly held to the title of sovereignty; he lived
in regal state, with vassals and retainers in great numbers, and he had among
his nobles some of the proudest in the land. But year by year his power was
slipping from him, and he grew less anxious to punish and subdue every
manifestation of disloyalty. He came at last to the maintenance of the defensive
only, retired among his mountain bulwarks, shorn of his old strength, deserted
by the mass of his followers, but in spirit still unconquered. The monkish
historians pretend that he was reduced to the last stages of penury, want, and
privation, but, unfortunately for this story (besides Welsh testimony), there is
documentary evidence to the contrary. No one can imagine that Henry V. (who
mounted the throne in 1413) would have made overtures of reconciliation to
Glendower if he had become so contemptible a foe. But this Henry V did -
offering the most liberal terms, protection in the property and safety in the
life, not only of himself, but of all his adherents - to the doughty Welshman
who had made his father's life a burden to him. While the negotiations were
pending Owen died peacefully in his bed, at the house of one of his daughters,
with his grand-children about him. Thus tranquilly ended the life whose earlier
years had been so turbulent, but which had, nevertheless, extended almost to the
Biblical limit of threescore and ten.8
8
He died September 20, 1415, aged sixty-six. Henry IV. died in a fit, in 1413,
aged forty-seven.
Any estimate of this man which is not
animated by sincere respect is a false one. Owen Glendower was a doughty knight
in the field, an accomplished gentleman in the hall, a shrewd and successful
general - a character to excite the enthusiasm of the poet and the admiration of
the historian. Born in an obscurity so deep that neither his birthplace nor his
birthday has ever been conclusively fixed upon, he rose to eminence through his
own gifts, to wealth through his own endeavors, to the position of a conqueror
and a sovereign through the action of wrong and oppression on a nature which
would not brook them, but felt the blood of a kingly race stirred to fury by
them, after it had slept in the veins of quieter men during ten generations. For
fifteen years he held his ground against all the resources of the English
throne, and against powerful enmities, jealousies and rivalries, within his own
domain. He fought a usurper and an oppressor, and such a fight is never waged
without some good result. The condition of Wales was better after his struggle
than it was before, and the amount of good he accomplished is not to be lightly
weighed. We can judge of the profound impression he made upon his time by this
fact: Fifteen years after Glendower's death the English House of Commons, in a
request for the enforcement of the forfeiture of his lands, stated that, had he
succeeded, the English tongue must inevitably have perished off the face of the
earth.
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